ÿþ<HTML><HEAD><TITLE>AK&#256L&#298 DAL SHIROMA&#7750&#298 </TITLE> <style type="text/css"> .BODY { background-color: #EAF1F7; background-image: url('images/gtbh.jpg'); background-repeat: no-repeat; background-attachment: fixed; background-position: center; color: #0066CC;} .C1{text-align: justify;color: #0066CC;FONT-size: SMALL;FONT-family: Tahoma;} .BIB{text-align: center;color: #000099;FONT-size: SMALL;FONT-family: Tahoma;} .CONT{text-align: right;color: #FF0000;FONT-size: SMALL;FONT-family: Tahoma;} </style><META NAME="keywords" CONTENT="AKL*,DAL,SHIROMAF*"> <META http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8"></HEAD> <BODY class="BODY" oncontextmenu="return false" ondragstart="return false" onselectstart="return false"> <FONT ALIGN="JUSTIFY" FACE="Tahoma"> <p class="C1">&#65279AK&#256L&#298 DAL, SHIROMA&#7750&#298 (<i>shiroma&#7751&#299</i> = exalted, foremost in rank; <i>dal</i> = corps, of <i>ak&#257l&#299 </i>volunteers who had shed fear of death), the premier political party of the modern period of Sikhism seeking to protect the political rights of the Sikhs, to represent them in the public bodies and legislative councils being set up by the British in India and to preserve and advance their religious heritage, came into existence during the Gurdw&#257r&#257 reform movement, also known as the Ak&#257l&#299 movement, of the early 1920's. Need for reform in the conditions prevalent in their places of worship had been brought home to Sikhs by the Si&#7749gh Sabh&#257 upsurge in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It had been increasingly felt that the purity of Sikh precept and practice could not be recovered unless there was a change in the structure of <i>gurdw&#257r&#257</i> management which had been in the hands of clergy who had come into control of the Sikh holy places since the times Sikhs had been driven by Mu<u>gh</u>al repression to seek safety in remote hills and deserts. A kind of professional coenobitism, contrary to the character of Sikhism, had since developed. Most of the clergy had reverted to Br&#257hma&#7751ical ritualism rejected by the Gur&#363s, and had become neglectful of their religious office. They had converted ecclesiastical assets into private properties, and their lives were not free from the taint of licentiousness and luxury. Even before the beginning of the Gurdw&#257r&#257 reform movement, sporadic voices had been raised against this retrogression and maladministration of these places of worship. Organized platforms to pursue reform had developed in the form of regional <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 <i> d&#299w&#257ns </i>. For example, a <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 D&#299w&#257n had been set up in the M&#257jh&#257 area in 1904, though it was soon afterwards merged with the Chief <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 D&#299w&#257n, successor to the Lahore and Amritsar <i> d&#299w&#257ns </i> of the earlier phase of the Si&#7749gh Sabh&#257 movement. But the Gurdw&#257r&#257 reform meant a confrontation with the <i> mahants </i> or the installed clergy who had the support of the government, and the Chief <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 D&#299w&#257n avoided, as a matter of policy, to antagonize the government. The M&#257jh&#257 D&#299w&#257n was therefore revived in 1918 as Central M&#257jh&#257 <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 D&#299w&#257n. It was becoming clear that the reformers would settle for nothing less than a complete restructuring of the management of the <i> gurdw&#257r&#257s </i> and ousting of the <i> mahants </i> through negotiations, legal action, or failing both, forcible eviction. All the different strategies were pressed into service at Gurdw&#257r&#257 B&#257be d&#299 Ber at Si&#257lko&#7789 with dramatic success. Sr&#299 Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t or Ta<u>kh</u>t Ak&#257l Bu&#7749g&#257 was vacated by the clergy under fear of force and/or losing caste by association with the "low caste. "</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;With the establishment in November 1920 of Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee (q. v.), the need arose for developing a system to co-ordinate the work of regional <i> jath&#257s </i>, structured groups or bands of men and women. There were at least ten such <i> jath&#257s </i> espousing <i>gurdw&#257r&#257</i> reform in different regions of the Punjab. According to a contemporary press report, Master Mot&#257 Si&#7749gh was the first to suggest the formation of a Gurdw&#257r&#257 Sevak Dal of 500 Sikh volunteers, including 100 paid whole-timers, all ready for action at the call of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee. At about the same time, Jathed&#257r Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh Jhabbar, who had liberated Gurdw&#257r&#257 Pa&#328j&#257 S&#257hib, Hasan Abd&#257l, on 18 November 1920, had suggested in a report from there that a <i> jath&#257 </i> of 200 Si&#7749ghs be got up to be despatched wherever action was. These proposals were discussed at a meeting of leading activists in front of the Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t on 14 December 1920. It was decided to form a central <i> dal </i>, corps or contingent, of which Sarmukh Si&#7749gh Jhab&#257l was designated the first <i> jathed&#257r </i> (president). This date (14 December 1920) is generally accepted to be the date of the formation of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, although the title Shiroma&#7751&#299 was added only through a resolution passed by the Dal on 29 March 1922. A confidential memorandum (22 February 1922) of the Punjab police dealing with the activities of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal and Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee during 1920-22 does not contain this appellation for the Dal, but refers to it as the "Central Ak&#257l&#299 Dal" to stress its linking role for the various confederated <i> jath&#257s </i>. According to this report, "the present strength of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, including the figures for the Native States, is at least 25, 000 and may be greatly in excess of that estimate. " In some contemporary government documents, the Dal is also referred to as Ak&#257l&#299 Fauj (army) which "functioned on military lines, marched in fours, wore badges, carried flags and organised camps. "</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal was meant to function under the overall control of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee making available to it volunteers when required. But initially the <i> jath&#257s </i> tended to operate independently. Yet there was significant closeness between the two and, at times, overlapping of leadership and action. Amar Si&#7749gh Jhab&#257l, prominent in the Ak&#257l&#299 hierarchy, continued to be the head of the Gur&#363 R&#257m D&#257s Jath&#257, and Tej&#257 Si&#7749gh Bhuchchar, the first <i> Jathed&#257r </i> of Sr&#299 Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t, continued to head his Ga&#7771gajj Ak&#257l&#299 Dal and was at the same time one of the 5-member presidium of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Panth Milau&#7751&#299 Jath&#257 of the Central M&#257jh&#257 <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 D&#299w&#257n. As the Ak&#257l&#299 movement gathered momentum, unleashing a political storm in the Punjab with successive <i>morch&#257s</i> or agitations such as those erupting over the issue of the keys of the Golden Temple treasury, and Gur&#363 k&#257 B&#257<u>gh</u>, Jaito and at Bh&#257&#299 Pher&#363-resulted in the complete integration of the regional <i> jath&#257s </i> into the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. This also brought added power and prestige to the Shiroma&#7751i gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee, bequeathing to it fuller control over the Dal, although the latter did maintain its separate identity, the two working on more or less similar lines for the achievement of a common goal. The apex leadership of both organizations was a common homogeneous group. The membership base of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal lay primarily in the rural Punjab. Ak&#257l&#299 leaders preached the need and importance of <i>gurdw&#257r&#257</i> reform in the villages or at gatherings held on religious festivals, and exhorted Sikhs to receive the rites of <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 baptism and join the ranks of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal to liberate their religious shrines from the control of an effete and corrupt clergy. Volunteers of a locality formed local Ak&#257l&#299 <i>jath&#257s</i> which were consolidated into district Ak&#257l&#299 <i>jath&#257s</i> affiliated to the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal at the summit. The composition of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee before the passing of the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, was also analogous, and headquarters of both organizations were located in the Golden Temple complex at Amritsar. Both the bodies were together declared unlawful by a government order issued on 12 October 1923, and the ban on both was simultaneously lifted on 13 September 1926.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Ak&#257l&#299 movement ended with the enactment of the Sikh Gurdwara Act, 1925, and the lifting of the ban on the two Sikh organizations. The right of the Sikhs to possess and manage their <i>gurdw&#257r&#257s</i> and properties attached to them had been recognized. This right was to be exercised through a central board, subsequently redesignated the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee, a statutory body formed through an electoral process based on universal adult franchise of the Sikh Panth. The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal thereafter became an independent political party which instead of functioning under the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee sought to control it through the electoral process. Differences among the Ak&#257l&#299 leaders had already cropped up on the question of implementing the Gurdwaras Act. The Government had stipulated that only those detenues would be released from jail who gave an undertaking in writing that they accepted and were ready to implement the Act. While one group headed by Sard&#257r Bah&#257dur Meht&#257b Si&#7749gh obtained their release by giving the required undertaking, the other group refused to accept the offer of a conditional release. The first election to the Central Board (Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee) held on 18 June 1926 was fought mainly between the Meht&#257b Si&#7749gh group and the faction led by those who had declined to accept the condition laid down by government and were still behind the bars. The result went clearly in favour of the latter, who rightfully claimed to be the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. This faction won 85 seats against 26 by the Sard&#257r Bah&#257dur group, 5 by the government sponsored Sudh&#257r Committee and 4 by independents. Since then the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal's control over the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee has been complete and continuous.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Thus gaining supremacy in Sikh affairs, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal extended the scope of its activity to the national arena. It fully supported the Indian National Congress during the B&#257rdol&#299 <i>saty&#257graha</i> (agitation) and the campaign for the boycott of the Simon Commission in 1928. But the report of the Motil&#257l Nehr&#363 Committee, a joint body representing the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the Sikhs to draft a constitution for free India, came as a sore disappointment to the Sikhs because it had defaulted in proposing any measures to protect their minority rights. Towards the end of December 1929, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal and its sister organization, the Central Sikh League, convened an Ak&#257l&#299 Conference at Lahore to coincide with the 44th annual session of the Congress Party. Presiding over the conference, B&#257b&#257 Kha&#7771ak Si&#7749gh reiterated Sikhs' determination not to let any single community establish its political hegemony in the Punjab. The Ak&#257l&#299 conference, and even more dramatically the huge Sikh procession which preceded it, made a tremendous impact. The Congress not only rejected the Nehr&#363 Report but also assured the Sikhs that no political arrangement which did not give them full satisfaction would be accepted by the party.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, since its victory at the first Gurdw&#257r&#257 elections in 1926 had functioned as a well- knit party under the leadership of B&#257b&#257 Kha&#7771ak Si&#7749gh and Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh but rifts began to show up in the wake of the next elections which took place in 1930. B&#257b&#257 Kha&#7771ak Si&#7749gh not only resigned the presidentship of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal but also quit the party to form a rival body, the Central Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh secured the presidentship of the Dal and remained at the helm of Sikh politics for the next three decades. The question of constitutional reforms under discussion at the time prompted the two groups to sink their differences, and act by mutual counsel. Their agreed standpoint in respect of the Round Table Conferences and the Communal Award was based on a charter of 17 demands adopted at the annual session of the Central Sikh League held on 8 April 1931 under the presidentship of Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. In this charter, the Sikhs expressed their opposition to communal representation and favoured joint electorates, adding the rider that if it was finally decided to resort to reservation of seats on communal basis they would demand a 30 per cent share of the assembly seats in the Punjab and five per cent in the Central legislature. Other demands included a one-third share in provincial services and the public service commission; maintenance of the then existing Sikh percentage in the army; Sikh representation in the Central cabinet and the central public service commission; recognition of Punjabi as the official language in Punjab; and protection of Sikh minorities outside the Punjab on a par with protection provided for other minorities. At the national level, the Sikhs wanted the government to be secular; and the Centre to have residuary powers including powers needed for the protection of minorities.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The dissident group of B&#257b&#257 Kha&#7771ak Si&#7749gh, the Central Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, could never supplant the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal as a representative of the Sikh mainstream, and became extinct after Independence (1947). Even before 1947, it was the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal which had campaigned for Sikh rights and dignity at &#7692ask&#257 (1931), Ko&#7789 Bh&#257&#299 Th&#257n Si&#7749gh (1935-37) and Shah&#299d Gañj, Lahore (1935-40).</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal fought the first elections, under the Government of India Act, 1935, and on the basis of Communal Award, held in Punjab on 4 January 1937, in collaboration with the Indian National Congress. Out of the 29 Sikh seats, the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal carried 10 seats (out of 14 contested) and the Congress won five. Opposing them was the <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 National Party aligned with the Chief <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257 D&#299w&#257n and the Unionist Party. While the Unionist Party with 96 out of a total of 175 seats formed the ministry, the Ak&#257l&#299s joined hands with the Congress to form the Opposition. With the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939, a rift occurred between the Congress and the Ak&#257l&#299s. While the former boycotted the assemblies, the Ak&#257l&#299s, although they were at one with the Congress in their demand for the declaration of war aims and the way these aims were to be applied to India, pressed the Government for the protection of their minority interests. Their representative, Baldev Si&#7749gh, joined the Unionist ministry in the Punjab as a result of a pact made with the premier, Sir Sikandar Hay&#257t <u>Kh</u>&#257n. Although known in history as the Sikandar-Baldev Si&#7749gh Pact signed on 15 June 1942, it essentially marked rapprochement between the Unionist leader and the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal which had spearheaded a very active campaign against his government in the Punjab.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Pakistan Resolution passed by Indian Muslim League at Lahore in 1940, demanding a separate country comprising Muslim majority provinces, posed a serious threat to the Sikhs. In Pakistan as envisaged by the Muslim League, Sikhs would be reduced to a permanent minority, hence. to a subordinate position. The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal opposed tooth and nail any scheme for the partition of the country. It successively rejected the Cripps' proposal (1942), R&#257j&#257 Formula (1944) and the Cabinet Mission Plan (1946). But the existing demographic realities were against the Sikhs. Nowhere in the Punjab did they have a sizeable tract with a Sikh majority of population. To counter the League demand for Pakistan, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal put forward the &#256z&#257d Punjab scheme proposing the carving out of the Punjab of a new province, roughly between Delhi and the River Chen&#257b, where none of the three communities-Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs-would command an absolute majority. But the proposal did not gather sufficient support. Even the Central Ak&#257l&#299 Dal led by B&#257b&#257 Kha&#7771ak Si&#7749gh, set itself up against it. The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, under the prevailing circumstances cast its lot with the Indian National Congress trusting to it the protection of Sikhs' minority rights. In a public statement made on 4 April 1946, Jaw&#257harl&#257l Nehr&#363 said, "redistribution of provincial boundaries was essential and inevitable. I stand for semi-autonomous units as well. . . . I should like them [the Sikhs] to have a semi-autonomous unit within the province so that they may experience the glow of freedom. " The working committee of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal adopted on 17 March 1948 a resolution advising its representatives in the provincial assemblies as well as at the Centre formally to join the Congress party. Minority grievances, however, kept accumulating. Sikh members of the East Punjab Assembly, including a minister in the Congress government, complained of increasing communal tension and discrimination against their community in recruitment to government services. The major irritant was the language question. After Independence, the Sikhs expected Punjabi, mother tongue of all Punjabis, to replace Urdu as the official language and medium of education in schools. Even a resolution of the Central Government published in the Gazette of India dated 14 August 1948 declaring that "the principle that a child should be instructed in the early stage of his education through the medium of his mother tongue has been accepted by the government" did not induce the Congress government of East Punjab to declare Punjabi as the medium of instruction. On the contrary, the majority Hindu community went so far as to disclaim Punjabi as their mother tongue. At the Centre too the Constituent Assembly rescinded its own resolution of August 1947 and declared on 26 May 1949 that "statutory reservation of seats for religious minorities should be abolished. " The leaders of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal finally veered round to the view that, in the absence of constitutional guarantees to safeguard rights of the minorities, the only way out for the Sikhs was to strive for an area where they would be numerous enough to protect and develop their language and culture. They therefore decided to press for the formation of a linguistic state coterminous with Punjabi language. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh reactivated the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal and launched the campaign which came to be known as the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 movement. In a signed article published in the Punjabi monthly <i>Sant Sip&#257h&#299</i>, December 1949, he said that "whatever the name that might be given it, the Sikhs wanted an area where they were free from the domination of the majority community---an area within the Indian constitution but having internal autonomy as did Kashmir. "</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Two successive half-way measures, Sachar Formula and the Regional Formula, devised by Congress and Sikh leaders by mutual counsel, failed to resolve the linguistic and political issue. The Ak&#257l&#299 leader, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh, once again gave the call for a Punjabi S&#363b&#257 in October 1958. The Sikh masses responded enthusiastically. The government once again initiated negotiations which culminated in what is known as the Nehr&#363-T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh Pact of April 1959. The truce did not last long. Call for a fresh <i>morch&#257</i> issued from the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal on 22 May 1960. The campaign meandering through many a vicissitude continued until the emergence on 1 November 1966 of a Punjabi-speaking state. But before this consummation was reached, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal had been riven into two, one section led by Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh and the other by his lately arisen, but infinitely stronger rival, Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Shadow of this division and of certain unresolved issues such as the non-transfer to it of the state capital, Cha&#7751&#7693&#299ga&#7771h, certain Punjabi-speaking areas still remaining outside of it and maldistribution of water resources, continued to bedevil electoral politics in the new Punjab. In the first election to the state legislature in the new Punjab (1967), the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal carried 26 seats in a house of 104, and its leader, Gurn&#257m Si&#7749gh, a retired judge of the Punjab High Court, formed on 28 March 1967 a ministry with the support of some other small groups, including Jana Sa&#7749gh, Communists and independents. But the ministry fell soon afterwards owing to internal dissensions. On 26 May 1967, two Ak&#257l&#299s, Harcharan Si&#7749gh Hu&#7693i&#257r&#257 and Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill sided with the Congress during voting on a no-confidence motion against the ministry. The ministry survived the motion but Hu&#7693i&#257r&#257 on the same day announced the formation of a separate Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. On 22 November, Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill with 19 other M. L. A. s openly rebelled against the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal legislative party, reducing the joint front led by Gurn&#257m Si&#7749gh into a minority. Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill then formed, with the support of Congress party, a new ministry which fell on 21 August 1968 when the Congress group withdrew its support. The crisis led to the dissolution of the state legislature and the state was placed under President's, i. e. Central Government, rule necessitating a mid-term poll. The two factions of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal became one again and registered a resounding victory at the hustings, emerging as the largest single party with 43 seats against Congress 38, Jana Sa&#7749gh 8, Communists 5, and others 11. Gurn&#257m Si&#7749gh again formed a ministry in coalition with the Jana Sa&#7749gh, the Communists supporting from outside. This ministry was brought down on 25 March 1970 by internal party dissent. A young Ak&#257l&#299 leader, Park&#257sh Si&#7749gh B&#257dal, then formed the government (27 March 1970) supplanting Gurn&#257m Si&#7749gh as Chief Minister. This Ak&#257l&#299 government too had a short tenure. In the fresh Punjab Assembly elections which took place in March 1972, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal could muster a bare 24 seats out of a total of 117, making way for the Congress party to form its government. This led to self-retrospection on the part of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Working Committee of the Dal at its meeting held at Anandpur S&#257hib, in the &#346iv&#257lik hills on 16-17 October 1973 adopted a statement of aims and objectives. This statement, known as the Anandpur S&#257hib Resolution (<i>q. v. </i>), has, since then, been the corner-stone of Ak&#257l&#299 politics and strategy.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal enjoyed another brief spell of power in the Punjab when at the elections in the wake of R&#257j&#299v-Lau&#7749gov&#257l accord, settlement between R&#257j&#299v G&#257ndh&#299, then Prime Minister of India, and Sant Harchand Si&#7749gh Lau&#7749gov&#257l, the Ak&#257l&#299 leader, signed on 25 July 1985, it won an overwhelming majority of seats in the state legislature and formed its government led by Surj&#299t Si&#7749gh Barn&#257l&#257. Owing however to internal party pressures and the non-implementation by the Government of India of the R&#257j&#299v-Lau&#7749gov&#257l accord, this ministry also proved brittle. In the crisis which overtook the state after its dismissal by the Government of India, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal gradually became split into several factions - Ak&#257l&#299 Dal (B&#257dal) led by a former chief minister of the Punjab, Park&#257sh Si&#7749gh Badal, Ak&#257l&#299 Dal (Lau&#7749gov&#257l) led by Surj&#299t Si&#7749gh Barn&#257l&#257, also a former chief minister of the Punjab, and Ak&#257l&#299 Dal (M&#257n), led by a new entrant into politics, Simranj&#299t Si&#7749gh M&#257n, formerly, a high-ranking member of the Indian Police Service.</p> </font> <p class="BIB"> BIBLIOGRAPHY<p class="C1"><ol class="C1"><li class="C1"> Dilgeer, Harjinder Si&#7749gh, <i>Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal</i>, Jalandhar, n. d.<BR> <li class="C1"> Prat&#257p Si&#7749gh, Gi&#257n&#299, <i>Gurdw&#257r&#257 Sudh&#257r arth&#257t Ak&#257l&#299 Lahir</i>. Amritsar, 1975<BR> <li class="C1"> Ashok, Shamsher Si&#7749gh, <i>Pa&#328j&#257b d&#299&#257&#7749 Lahir&#257&#7749</i>. Patiala. 1974<BR> <li class="C1"> Narai&#7751 Si&#7749gh, <i>Ak&#257l&#299 Morche te Jhabbar</i>. Delhi, 1967<BR> <li class="C1"> Tuteja, K. L. , <i>Sikh Politics</i>. Kurukshetra, 1984<BR> <li class="C1"> Gulati, Kailash Chander, <i>The Akalis: Past and Present</i> Delhi, 1974<BR> <li class="C1"> Nayar, Baldev Raj, <i>Minority Politics in the Punjab</i>. Princeton, 1966<BR> <li class="C1"> Sahni, Ruchi Ram, <i>Struggle for Reform in Sikh Shrines</i>. Ed. Ganda Singh. Amritsar, n. d.<BR> <li class="C1"> Nijjar, B. S. , <i>History of the Babbar Akalis</i>. Jalandhar, 1987<BR> <li class="C1"> Sarhadi, Ajit Singh, <i>Punjabi Suba</i>. Delhi, 1970<BR> <li class="C1"> Brass, Paul, R. , <i>Language, Religion and Politics in North India</i>. Delhi, 1975<BR> <li class="C1"> Mohinder Si&#7749gh, <i>The Akali Movement</i>. Delhi, 1978<BR> <li class="C1"> Teja Singh, <i>Gurdwara Reform Movement and the Sikh Awakening</i>. Jalandhar, 1922<BR> <li class="C1"> Nayar, Kuldip, and Khushwant Si&#7749gh, <i>Tragedy of Punjab</i>. Delhi, 1984<BR> </ol><p class="CONT">Major Gurmukh Si&#7749gh (Retd.)<br></p><BR> </font> <img src="counter.aspx" width="1px" height="1px" alt=""> </HTML></BODY>